The Politics of Protest, Volume 81,Page 94U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969 - 276 pages Part I. Introduction. 1. Protest and politics -- Part II. The politics of confrontation. 2. Ani-war protest -- 3. Student protest -- 4. Black militancy -- Part III. White politics and official reaction. 5. The racial attitudes of white Americans -- 6. White militancy -- 7. The police in protest -- 8. Judicial response in crisis -- Part IV. Conclusion. 9. Social response to collective behavior -- Appendix: Witnesses appearing at Task Force hearings. |
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action activists activity administration anti-war movement April areas arrested attitudes bail Berkeley black Americans black community black militants Black Panther Party black protest campus Chapter Chicago cities Civil Disorders civil rights movement collective behavior Committee Communist confrontation courts criminal criticism cultural defendants Democratic demonstrations Detroit draft economic effect example federal Free Speech Movement ghetto grievances groups hostility increased institutions issues judicial justice Kerner Commission Klan law enforcement lawyers leaders liberal major Malcolm X mass ment military Minutemen Moreover National Advisory Commission Negro nonviolent officials organized Panther participation percent persons police policemen political prejudice problems racial racism radical recent reform Report resistance response San Francisco Chronicle September society South South Vietnam Southern student movement student protest tactics Task Force tion traditional United University urban Vietnam Vietnam war Vietnamese violence Washington white Americans white militancy York young youth
Fréquemment cités
Page 59 - The United States is not a party to any treaty, now in force, that prohibits or restricts the use in warfare of toxic or nontoxic gases, of smoke or incendiary materials, or of bacteriological warfare.
Page 59 - The use in war of asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases, and all analogous liquids, materials or devices...
Page 183 - Similarly, the only way to police a ghetto is to be oppressive. None of the Police Commissioner's men, even with the best will in the world, have any way of understanding the lives led by the people they swagger about in twos and threes controlling. Their very presence is an insult, and it would be, even if they spent their entire day feeding gumdrops to children. They represent the force of the white world...
Page 153 - Our Nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white— separate and unequal.
Page 109 - At the level of individuals, violence is a cleansing force. It frees the native from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect.
Page 117 - The American Negro has the great advantage of having never believed that collection of myths to which white Americans cling: that their ancestors were all freedom-loving heroes, that they were born in the greatest country the world has ever seen, or that Americans are invincible in battle and wise in peace...
Page 200 - Chicago police to expect that violence against demonstrators, as against rioters, would be condoned by city officials. The threats to the city were varied. Provocative and inflammatory statements, made in connection with activities planned for convention week, were published and widely disseminated. There were also intelligence reports from informants. Some of this information was absurd, like the reported plan to contaminate the city's water supply with LSD. But some were serious; and both were...
Page 99 - Let every man work for the abolition of slavery in his , own way. I would help all and hinder none.