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The number of the inhabitants of Immeretta is reckoned to be twenty thousand families; but the greater part of them live neither in towns nor villages, but are difpersed throughout the level country, each of them possessing a small hut or cottage. These people have fewer strangers among them, and they are more engaging in their appearance than the Georgians. They are of a milder and less pufillanimous character, and the principal branch of their commerce confifts in wines, a confiderable quantity of which they export in skins as far as the confines of Geor gia. They are acquainted with no other trade, for they are poor and miferable, and greatly oppressed by their lords.

ed much by their new constitution; and the Georgian cohorts, whom the Perfians employed to expel the Afghans, diftinguish themselves in an eminent degree by their application, good difcipline, and bravery. The other inhabitants of Georgia are Tartars, the Offi and the Armenians, whom the Georgians call Semaki. The latter are dispersed throughout the whole country, fometimes mixed among the natives, and sometimes living with them in some remote village. Among their countrymen, they speak their language, but this does not prevent them from being all thoroughly acquainted with that of Georgia. They profess the Armenian religion; yet many of them follow that of the Roman Catholics. They are the most oppressed subjects of the country, but they however display great zeal and activity, for which these laborious people are e-ed to pay in wines, cattle, and corn,

minently diftinguithed.

There are found also in Georgia a confiderable number of Jews, called in the language of the country Seria. The greater part of these have retired to the villages, and live entirely by themselves; the rest are mixed among the Armenians and Tartars; but they have never been observed to form any connections with the Ofis. The Jews pay some taxes from which the other inhabitants are exempted. The capital of Immeretta, where prince David refides, is called Curtays. The remains of a church announce that Curtays was formerly a large city; but at present it can scarcely be accounted a village.

Solomon, the father of the present fovereign, ordered the citadel to be destroyed as well as the ramparts of the city; for he thought, and very wisely, that Caucafus was the only fortification capable of being defended by an army of fix thousand men undisciplined and destitute of artillery.

The ordinary revenues of Immeretta, like those of Georgia, arife from a tythe which vassals are oblig

and fome fubfidies furnished annual. ly by neighbouring princes. The extraordinary revenues for the most part arise from confiscations of every kind; but notwithstanding this, the finances of the prince are so limited, that he is often under the neceffity of going from house to house, to live at the expence of his vassals, never quitting their habitations until the preffing wants of his hosts absolutely compel him. It is therefore probable that the court of the fovereign of Immeretta is as deficient in brilliancy as his table is in splendour when he dines at home. His principal dishes confift of a certain food called gom, which is a kind of millet boiled, and a piece of roast meat, with some high seasoned sauce. He never eats but with his fingers, for forks and spoons are unknown in Immeretta At table, he generally gives audiences respecting affairs of the first consequence, which he determines as he thinks proper; for in every country subject to his dominions, there is no other law but his will.

On

On Friday, which is the market day, all his new edicts are published by a kind of herald, who climbs up into some tree, in order to proclaim the will of his fovereign. The Immerettans profess the religion of the Greek church. Their patriarch must be of the royal family; but it is seldom that he can either read or

Narrative of the Mutiny on board his
Lient. William Bligh.

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AY 1st, at dawn of day the party set out again in a different route, to see what they could find; in the course of which they fuffered greatly for want of water: they, however, met with two men, a woman, and a child; the men came with them to the cove, and brought two cocoa-nut shells of water. I immediately made friends with these people, and fent them away for bread fruit, plantains, and water. Soon after other natives came to us; and by soon I had 30 of them about me, trading with the articles we were in want of: but I could only afford one ounce of pork, and a quarter of a bread-fruit, to each man for dinner, with half a pint of water; for I was fixed in not ufing any of the bread or water in the boat.

No particular chief was yet among the natives: they were, notwithstand ing, tractable, and behaved honestly, giving the provisions they brought for a few buttons and beads. The party who had been out, informed me of having discovered several neat plantations; so that it became no longer a doubt of there being settled inhabitants on the island; and for that reason I determined to get what I could, and fail the first moment the wind and weather would allow me to put to fea.

Saturday, May the 2d: stormy weather, wind ESE. It had hi

write: the priests who compose the rest of the clergy are not much more enlightened. The greater part of their churches are pitiful edifices, which can scarcely be distirguithed from the common huts of the inhabitants but by a pasteboard crucifix, and a few coarse paintings of the Virgin, which are seen in them.

Majesty's ship the Bounty. Written by [Continued from p. 368.]

therto been a weighty consideration with me, how I was to account to the natives for the loss of my ship: I knew they had too much sense to be amufed with a story that the ship was to join me, when she was not in fight from the hills. I was at first doubtful whether I should tell the real fact, or fay that the ship had overset and sunk, and that only we were saved: the latter appeared to me to be the most proper and advantageous to us, and I accordingly instructed my peo ple, that we might all agree in one story. As I expected, enquiries were made after the ship, and they seemed readily fatisfied with our account; but there did not appear the least symptom of joy or forrow in their faces, although I fancied I discovered some marks of surprise. Some of the natives were coming and going the whole afternoon, and we got enough of bread-fruit, plantains, and cocoanuts for another day; but water they only brought us about five pints. A canoe also came in with four men, and brought a few cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit, which I bought as I had done the rest. Nails were much enquired after, but I would not fuffer one to be shewn, as I wanted them for the use of the boat.

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Towards evening I had the fatisfaction to find our stock of provifions somewhat increased; but the natives did not appear to have much to spare. What

What they brought was in such small quantities, that I had no reason to hope we should be able to procure from them fufficient to stock us for our voyage. At sunfet all the natives left us in quiet possession of the cove. I thought this a good sign, and made no doubt that they would come again the next day with a larger proportion of food and water, with which I hoped to fail without farther delay; for if, in attempting to get to Tongataboo, we should be blown away from the islands altogether, there would be a larger quantity of provisions to support us against such a misfortune.

At night I ferved a quarter of a bread-fruit and a cocoa-nut to each perfon for supper; and, a good fire being made, all but the watch went to fleep.

At day-break I was happy to find every ones spirits a little revived, and that they no longer regarded me with those anxious looks, which had constantly been directed towards me fince we loft fight of the ship: every countenance appeared to have a degree of chearfulness, and they all feemed determined to do their best

As I doubted of water being brought by the natives, I sent a party among the gullies in the mountains, with empty shells, to fee what they could get. In their absence the natives came about us, as I expected, bat more numerous; alfo two canoes came in from round the north side of the island. In one of them was an elderly chief, called Maccaackavwo. Soon after fome of our foraging party returned, and with them came a good looking thief, called Eegijeefow, or perhaps more properly Eefow, Egijor Eghee, fignifying a chief. To both these men I made a present of an old thirt and a knife, and I foon found they either had seen me, or had heard of my being at Annamooka. They knew I had been with captain Cook, who they enquired after, and also captain Clerk. They were very inqui

fitive to know in what manner I had loft my ship. During this convers a tion a young man appeared, whom I remembered to have seen at Annamooka, called Nageete; he expressed much pleasure at leeing me. I now enquired after Poulaho and Feenow, who, they faid, were at Tongataboo; and Eefow agreed to accompany me thither, if I would wait till the weather moderated. The readiness and affability of this man gave me much fatisfaction.

This, however, was but of short duration, for the natives began to increase in number, and I observed some symptoms of a defign againft us; foon after they attempted to haul the boat on shore, when I threatened Eefow with a cutlas, to induce him to make them desist; which they did, and every thing became quiet again. My people, who had been in the mountains, now returned with about three gallons of water. I kept buying up the little bread-fruit that was brought to us, and likewise some fpears to arm my men with, having only four cutlasses, two of which were in-the boat. As we had no means of improving our situation, I told our people I would wait until fun-fet, by which time, perhaps, something might happen in our favour; that if we attempted to go at present, we must fight our way through, which we could do more advantageously at night; and that in the mean time we would endeavour to get off to the boat what we had bought. The beach was now lined with the natives, and we heard nothing but the knocking of stones together, which they had in each hand. I knew very well this was the fign of an attack. It being now noon, I served a cocoa-nut and a bread-fruit to each perfon for dinner, and gave some to the chiefs, with whom I continued to appear intimate and friendly. They frequently importuned me to fit down, but I as constantly refused; for it occurred both both to Mr Nelson and myself, that they intended to seize hold of me, if I gave them such an opportunity. Keeping, therefore, constantly on our guard, we were suffered to eat our uncomfortable meal in some quietness.

Sunday, 3d May, fresh gales at S E and ESE, varying to the NE in the latter part, with a storm of wind. After dinner we began by little and little to get our things into the boat, which was a troublesome business, on account of the surf. I carefully watched the motions of the natives, who still increased in number, and found that, instead of their intention being to leave us, fires were made, and places fixed on for their stay during the night. Consultations were alfo held among them, and every thing assured me we should be attacked. I fent orders to the master, that when he saw us coming down, he should keep the boat close to the shore, that we might the more readily embark.

I had my journal on shore with me, writing the occurrences in the cave, and in sending it down to the boat it was nearly snatched away, but for the timely assistance of the gun

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The fun was near setting, when I gave the word, on which every perfon, who was on shore with me, boldly took up his proportion of things, and carried them to the boat. The chiefs asked me if I would not stay with them all night, I faid, "No, I never fleep out of my boat, but in the morning we will again trade with you, and I shall remain until the " weather is moderate, that we may go, as we have agreed, to fee Poulaho, at Tongataboo." Maccaackavow then got up, and faid, "You " will not fleep on shore? then Mattie," (which directly signifies we will kill you) and he left me. The onfet was now preparing; every one as I have described before, kept knocking stones together, and Eefow

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quitted me. We had now all but two or three things in the boat, when I took Nageete by the hand, and we walked down the beach, every one in a filent kind of horror.

When I came to the boat, and was seeing the people embark, Nageete wanted me to stay to speak to Eefow; but I found he was encouraging them to the attack, and I determined, had it then begun, to have killed him for his treacherous behaviour. I ordered the carpenter not to quit me until the other people were in the boat. Nageete, finding I would not stay, loofed himself from my hold and went off, and we all got into the boat except one man, who, while I was getting on board, quitted it, and ran up the beach to cast the stern fast off, notwithstanding the master and others called to him to return, while they were hauling me out of the water.

I was no sooner in the boat than the attack began by about 200 men; the unfortunate poor man who had run up the beach was knocked down, and the stones flew like a shower of shot. Many Indians got hold of the stern rope, and were near hauling us on shore, and would certainly have done it if I had not had a knife in my pocket, with which I cut the rope. We then hauled off to the grapnel, every one being more or less hurt. At this time I saw five of the natives about the poor man they had killed, and two of them were beating him about the head with stones in their hands.

We had ne time to reflect, before, to my frrprise, they filled their ca poes with stones, and twelve men came off after us to renew the attack, which they did fo effectually as nearly to disable all of us. Our grapnel was foul, but Providence here assisted us; the fluke broke, and we got to our oars, and pulled to fea. They, however, could paddle round us, fo that we were obliged to fuftain the attack without being able to return it, except with such stones as lodged in the boat, and in this I found we were very inferior to them. We could not close, because our boat was lumbered and heavy, and that they knew very well: I therefore adopted the expedient of throwing overboard some cloaths, which they loft time in picking up; and, as it was now almost dark, they gave over the attack, and returned towards the shore, leaving us to reflect on our unhappy situation.

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The poor man 1 loft was John Norton; this was his second voyage with me as a quarter master, and his worthy character made me lament his loss very much. He has left an aged parent, I am told, whom he supported. I once before fustained an attack of a fimilar nature, with a smaller number of Europeans, against a multitude of Indians; it was after the death of captain Cook, on the Morai at Owhyhee, where I was left by lieutenant King: yet, notwithstanding I did not conceive that the power of a man's arm could throw stones, from two to eight pounds weight, with such force and exactness as these people did. Here unhappily I was without arms, and the Indians knew it; but it was a fortunate circumftance that they did not begin to attack us in the cave: in that cafe our deftruction must have been inevitable, and we should have had nothing left for it but to die as bravely as we could, fighting close together; in which I found every one cheerfully disposed to join me. This appearance of resolution deterred them, supposing they could effect their purpose without risk after we were in the boat.

Taking this as a sample of the dispofitions of the Indians, there was little reason to expect much benefit if I perfevered in my intention of visiting Poulaho; for I confidered their good behaviour hitherto to proceed from a dread of our fire-arms, which, now knowing us destitute of, would cease; and, even supposing our lives

not in danger, the boat and every thing we had would most probably be taken from us, and thereby all hopes precluded of ever being able to return to our native country.

We were now failing along the west side of the island Tofoa, and my mind was employed in considering what was best to be done, when I was folicited by all hands to take them towards home; and, when I told them no hopes of relief for us remained, but what I might find at New Holland, until I came to Timor, a distance of full 1200 leagues, where was a Dutch settlement, but in what part of the island I knew not, they all agreed to live on one ounce of bread, and a quarter of a pint of water, per day. Therefore, after examining our stock of provisions, and recommending this as a sacred promise for ever to their memory, we bore away across a fea, where the navigation is but little known, in a small boat, twenty-three feet long from stem to stern, deep laden with eighteen men; without a chart, and nothing but my own recollection and general knowledge of the situation of places, assisted by a book of latitudes and longitudes, to guide us. I was happy, however, to see every one better fatisfied with our fituation in this particular than myself.

Our stock of provisions confifted of about one hundred and fifty pounds of bread, twenty-eight gallons of water, twenty pounds of pork, three bottles of wine, and five quarts of tum. The difference between this and the quantity we had on leaving the ship, was principally owing to loss in the bustle and confufion of the at tack. A few cocoa-nuts were in the boat, and some bread-fruit, but the latter was trampled to pieces.

It was about eight o'clock at night when I bore away under a reefed lug forefail: and, having divided the people into watches, and got the boat in a little order, we returned God thanks for

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