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bal answer of the reis effendi was, that the Porte wished for peace, and would appoint negotiators on the arrival of the French and English plenipotentiaries; but that Russia could not be admitted to join in the mediation, nor should this act be considered as a renunciation of the sultan's rights upon the Morea. This answer was the foundation for the conference of the ministers of England, France and Russia (March 22, 1829), the protocol of which sets forth what course the powers intend further to pursue respecting the Porte. It was agreed that ambassadors from Great Britain and France should immediately proceed to Constantinople, and open a negotiation for the pacification of Greece, in the name of the three powers. The first subject proposed for the consideration of the Porte was the boundary of Greece. A line, beginning at the gulf of Volo, running thence to the head of the Othryx, following the course of that river to the summit east of Agrapha, which forms a junction with the Pindus, descending the valley of Aspropotamos by the south of Leontis, traversing the chain of the Macrinoros, and terminating at the gulf of Ambracia, was proposed as the northern boundary of Greece; the islands adjacent to the Morea, Euboea or Negropont, and the Cyclades, were likewise to form a part of the new state. It was also to be proposed, that the Greeks should pay an annual tribute of 1,500,000 piastres; the first year's tribute, however, to be not less than a fifth, nor more than a third, of this amount, and to be gradually increased for four years, till it should reach the maximum: a joint commission of Turks and Greeks was to determine the indemnification of the Turks for the loss of property in Greece; the allied powers to appoint a committee of appeal, in case the former committee could not agree: Greece should enjoy a qualified independence, under the sovereignty of the Porte: the government to be under an hereditary Christian prince, not of the family of either of the allied sovereigns: at every succession of the hereditary prince, an additional year's tribute to be paid: mutual amnesty to be required, and all Greeks to be allowed a year to sell their property and leave the Turkish territories. The ambassadors were also to require a prolongation of the armistice already declared by the Turks, and a like cessation of arms from the provisional government of Greece, and the recall of the troops, which had gone beyond the line drawn as above from Volo

to Arta. The three powers were to guaranty all these points. Though Russia was to have no minister present at these negotiations, they were to be conducted in her name, as well as in those of France and England. It was near the middle of July, before sir Robert Gordon and count Guilleminot (the two ambassadors) arrived at Constantinople. Their reception deviated from former usages, particularly in the omission of the humiliating ceremonies to which Christian ambassadors were formerly obliged to submit, which would have been somewhat out of season at this time, when Diebitsch had already descended the southern slope of the Balkan. The history of their negotiations is of no importance, because count Diebitsch signed, with the Turkish plenipotentiaries, a treaty, by the 6th article of which the sultan formally acceded to the treaty of July 6, 1827. (See Russia, and Turkey.) The protocol of the conference of March, 1829, could be considered by the Greeks only as a calamity.

The situation of the president, Capo d'Istria, had been extremely difficult, as the reader can easily imagine. He was without means, in a land torn by discord; yet his attention had been directed to every thing useful-the suppression of piracy; the formation of a regular army; the establishment of courts of justice; of schools of mutual instruction; of a system of coinage; of means for collecting the revenue, and providing for the subsistence of the wretched remnants of the population. In November, 1828, he proposed to the Panhellenion, to take immediate measures for calling together the fourth national assembly. The assembly met at Argos, and the president, in a long address (July 23, 1829), gave an account of the state of the country and of his measures. He directed the attention of the assembly particularly to the organization of the forces and the revenue.* He says in the speech, "The decree re

* The following account of the Greek land and sea forces is contained in the Austrian Observer of March 21, 1830, a paper which, as the semiofficial journal of the Austrian cabinet, was, of course, always hostile to the Greek insurrection, but which generally gave truer accounts of the ac tual state of things in that unfortunate country, than were contained in those European papers which were favorable to the cause of humanity and liberty. Many of the commanding officers are foreigners; a great part of them French. General Church and Demetrius Ypsilanti, the commanding officers in Eastern and Western Hellas, had then resigned. The Greek land forces amounted to 13,789 men. The navy had greatly declined, consisting only of one frigate of 4 guns, one cor

specting the organization of the regiments, the edict relating to the marine service, and the measures to establish a national bank and a general college, were the first steps towards the regulation of the interior. The Archipelago has been freed from pirates; our warriors are again united under their standards; one division, under the command of admiral Miaulis, has assured the free navigation of the Archipelago, and conveyed to our distressed brethren in Scio every consolation which it was in our power to offer. A second division, under vice-admiral Sactouri, was destined for the blockade, which the admirals of the allied powers compelled us to abandon." The address further refers to the plague brought by the army of Ibrahim Pacha, which extended from the islands to the Peloponnesus; to the expulsion of this pacha; the efforts of admiral Codrington, and the landing of the French; adding, "The Greeks of the continent, watching earnestly to see the borders of the Peloponnesus passed, manifested their wishes in this regard. We ourselves hoped to see them accomplished, for we were far from apprehending the diplomatic act which decided it otherwise." It acknowledges, with warm gratitude, the succors of the French in men and money, and alludes, in general terms, to the conferences with the ambassadors of the allied powers at Poros. A statement of receipts and expenditures, from January, 1828, to April 30, 1829, is also given. It is evident, from this address, that, since the protocol of the conference of March 22, 1829, the military operations of the Greeks, both by sea and land, had been arrested by the interposition of the allies. In January, however, general Church had taken the town of Vonitza, and the citadel surrendered in March; as did the castle of Romelia, to Augustin Capo d'Istria, the brother of the president, March 26, On February 9, Mahmoud, pacha of Livadia, with 3500 men, attacked the Greeks, commanded by the chiliarch Vasso, in their camp near Tolanti. The pacha was defeated. Livadia and Thebes, where Omer Pacha commanded, were evacuated soon after by the Ottoman troops. Lepanto surrendered, April 22, and Missolonghi and Anatolico on May 29. After the former had surrendered, 3000 Greeks marched to reinforce the corps then besieging Athens; vette of 26, three steamers (of which two carry 8, and one 4 guns), nine brigs of from 4 to 12 guns, five gunboats, and 28 smaller vessels and transports.

but the operations were soon after arrested, in deference to the wishes of the allied powers. Immediately after the meeting of the assembly at Argos, general Church resigned his commission as commander-in-chief of the forces of Greece. Such was the state of things when the peace between Russia and the Porte was signed at Adrianople, Sept. 14, 1829, and ratified by the Porte, Sept. 20. The conferences between the ministers of the three powers, at London, had now for their object to select a prince to wear the crown of Greece. It was offered to prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, who had been the husband of the late princess Charlotte, daughter of George IV, Feb. 3, 1830, and was accepted by him, as "sovereign prince of Greece," February 20. However, he resigned this honor in a declaration dated May 21, 1830. The two reasons which the prince alleges for his resignation are, the unwillingness of the Greeks to receive him, and their dissatisfaction at the settlement of the boundaries. He says that the answer of the president of Greece to the communication of his appointment, in his judgment, announces a forced submission to the allied powers, and even that forced submission is accompanied by reservations of the highest importance. The president of Greece states, that the provisional government, according to the decrees of the council of Argos, has no power to convey the assent of the Greek nation; and the government reserves to itself the power of submitting to the prince such observations as they cannot conceal from him, without betraying their trust towards Greece and the prince. In regard to the boundaries, his language is, that the uncompromising determination expressed by the Greek senate, to retain possession of the provinces which the allied powers wish to exclude from the limits of the new state, will oblige him either to compel his own subjects, by force of foreign arms, to submit to the cession of their estates and properties to their enemies, or to join with them in resisting or evading a part of that very treaty which places him on the throne of Greece. That one or the other alternative will be forced upon him is certain, because the part of the country referred to (Acarnania and a part of Ætolia, which is now to be given up to the Turks) is, together with the fortresses, in the peaceable possession of the Greeks. It is the country from which Greece can best supply herself with timber for building ships.

It is the country which has furnished the best soldiers during the war. The chief military leaders of the Greeks have been of Acarnanian or Ætolian families. Subsequently to the arrival in Greece of the protocol of the 22d March, 1829, and the publication of the assent of the Turks to the excluded frontier in the treaty of Adrianople, all the families which had survived the war returned, and commenced rebuilding their houses and towns, and cultivating their lands. These people will never submit again to the Turkish yoke without resistance, and the other Greeks will not, cannot abandon them to their fate. The British journals loudly reproached the prince for his resignation, ascribing it to fright at the picture which the president, Capo d'Istria, drew of the state of the country, or to the hope of becoming regent of the British empire, in case of the accession of the minor princess Victoria. It is hardly necessary, however, to look for motives beyond the distaste which a man of good feelings would naturally feel to assuming the government of a nation contrary to their will, and becoming, as he must become in such case, a tyrant. Since the resignation of Leopold, several princes have been proposed as candidates for the throne of Greece, without its ever seeming to have occurred to the powers that a Greek might be raised to that honor, or that it would be worth while to pay any attention to the wishes of the nation. According to the latest accounts, it seems that prince Paul of Würtemberg is the most prominent candidate. By the protocol of Feb. 3, 1830, the boundary of Greece was settled as follows: On the north, beginning at the mouth of the Aspropotamos (Achelous), it runs up the southern bank to Angelo Castro; thence through the middle of the

The correspondence of prince Leopold with the ministers, and with president Capo d'Istria, is highly interesting, as showing the arbitrary spirit with which the powers of Europe have been disposed to act towards Greece. It is to be found in the American papers of the middle of July,

1830.

+ Prince Paul (Charles Frederic Augustus) is the brother of the king of Würtemberg; born Jan. 19. 1785; married, 1805, to Charlotte (Catharine), princess of Saxe-Altenburg, born 1787. He has four children. His eldest daughter is married to the grand-prince Michael, brother to the emperor of Russia: his eldest son Frederic (Charles Augustus) was born Feb. 21, 1808. Prince Paul William of Würtemberg (the traveller), who returned Nov. 29, 1830, to New Orleans, from a journey into the western regions of North America, is the son of Eugene Frederic Henry, the second brother of the reigning king of Würtemberg.

lakes Sacarovista and Vrachori to mount Artoleria; thence to mount Axiros, and along the valley of Culouri and the top of Eta to the gulf of Zeitun. Acarnania and a great part of Ætolia and Thessaly are thus excluded from the Greek state, and a Turkish barrier interposed between Greece and the Ionian Islands. Candia, Samos, Psarra, &c., are not included. The population of the state is estimated at about 635,000: 280,000 in the Peloponnesus; 175,000 in the islands; 180,000 on the Greek main-land.-Anderson's Observations on the Peloponnesus and the Greek Islands, made in 1829 (Boston, 1830). For further information, we refer the reader to Greece in 1823 and 1824, by colonel Leicester Stanhope (Philadelphia, 1825); also, the Picture of Greece in 1825 (2 vols., New York, 1826); the History of Modern Greece, with a View of the Geography, Antiquities and present Condition of that Country (Boston, 1827); the Historical Sketch of the Greek Revolution, by Samuel G. Howe (New York, 1828); Travels in Greece, by J. P. Miller (Boston, 1828); Visit to Greece and Constantinople, in the Years 1827 and 1828, by H. A. V. Post (New York, 1830); Raffenel's (editor of the Spectateur Oriental at Smyrna, continued afterwards by Tricorni) Histoire des Evènemens de la Grèce (Paris, 1822); Considérations sur la Guerre actuelle entre les Grecs et les Turks, par un Grec (Paris, 1821); colonel Voutier's (who fought, in 1821 and 1822, in Greece) Mémoires sur la Guerre actuelle des Grecs (Paris, 1822); Agratis' Précis des Opérations de la Flotte Grecque, durant la Révolution de 1821 et 1822 (Paris, 1822), (chiefly after the log-book of the Hydriot Jacob Tumbasis, who commanded a fleet, and fell in an engagement, in 1822); several publications by eye-witnesses, interesting as historical memoirs, by Müller, Lieber, &c. Ed. Blaquière wrote, on the spot, the Greek Revolution, its Origin and Progress, together with some Remarks on the Religion, &c., in Greece (London, 1824), with plates. Maxime Raybaud, an officer in the corps of Philhellenes, published Mémoires sur la Grèce pour servir à l'Histoire de la Guerre de l'Indépendance, 1821 et 1822, with topographical maps, (Paris, 1825, 2 vols.). See, also, Pouqueville's Histoire de la Régenération de la Grèce, &c., or the History from 1740 to 1824, with maps (Paris, 1824, 2d ed., 1826, 4 vols.); Villemain's Lascaris (Paris, 1826); La Grèce en 1821 et 1822; Correspondence politique, publiée par un Grec (Paris, 1823). The Courier de Smyrne is often

quoted as an authority in regard to Greek affairs. Of its trustworthiness we may judge from a letter addressed by count Capo d'Istria, March 12, 1830, to the French resident, baron de Rouen, in which he mentions the publication of two decrees, attributed to the Greek government, which are mere forgeries, and requests that proper measures may be taken to compel the editor to avow their falsehood.

Modern Greek Language (called Romaic) and Literature. The manly attitude, assumed by the Greeks since 1821, has attracted attention to their language, which, even in its degeneracy, recalls the beauties of the ancient tongue. Grateful for the culture bestowed on it, the Greek language seems to have preserved its purity longer than any other known to us; and even long after its purity was lost, the echo of this beautiful tongue served to keep alive something of the spirit of ancient Greece. All the supports of this majestic and refined dialect seemed to fail, when the Greeks were enslaved by the fall of Constantinople (A. D. 1453). All the cultivated classes, who still retained the pure Greek, the language of the Byzantine princes, either perished in the conflict, or took to flight, or courted the favor of their rude conquerors, by adopt ing their dialect. In the lower classes, only, did the common Greek survive (the κοινη,δημώδης, άπλη, ιδιωτικη διαλεκτος) the vulgar dialect of the polished classes, the traces of which occur, indeed, in earlier authors, but which first appears distinctly in the sixth century. This Greek patois departed still more from the purity of the written language, which took refuge at court, in the tribunals of justice, and the halls of instruction, when the Frank crusaders augmented it by their own peculiar expressions, and the barbarians in the neighborhood engrafted theirs also upon it. This popular dialect first appears as a complete written language in the chronicles of Simon Sethos, in 1070-80. After the Ottomans had become masters of the country, all the institutions which had contributed to preserve a better idiom perished at once. The people, left to themselves, oppressed by the most brutal despotism, would finally have abandoned their own dialect, which became constantly more corrupt, had not the Greeks possessed a sort of rallying point in their church. Their patriarch remaining to them at the conquest of their capital (Panagiotacchi, who was appointed, in 1500, interpreter of the sultan), they turn

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ed to him as their head, and saw, in the synod of their church, his senate, and in the language of the works of the fathers of the church, and the Old and New Tes taments, a standard which tended to give a uniform character to the different dialects. Neglected and exposed to the vicissitudes of fortune, destitute of a creed which could elevate their moral sentiments, thwarted in all their pursuits, urged by the state of things around them to indolent voluptuousness or vindictive malice, the impoverished institutions for instruction were of little efficiency. As the proper guardians of morality and education, the clergy and monks were themselves ignorant and corrupt. The debasement of this fine dialect continued till the middle of the last century; for the few writers of that period disdained to use the language of the people, and resorted to the ancient Greek, then, unhappily, an extinct dialect. The Greek spirit, not yet extinguished by all the adversities the nation had undergone, finally revived with increased vigor; for the mildest of climates, ever maintaining and cherishing a serenity of feeling, the imperishable heritage of hallowed names and associations, and even the love of song, kept alive some sparks of patriotic sentiment. With Rhizos, we may divide this revival into three distinct periods. The first, from 1700 to 1750, gave the Fanariots influence and efficiency in the seraglio, especially after Mavrocordato (Alex.) became dragoman of the Porte, and his son first hospodar of Moldavia and Walachia. During the second period, from 1750 to 1800, the Greeks resorted for instruction to the universities of the west, and returned thence to their native country. Naturally inclined to commerce, they soon manifested a dexterity and shrewdness, which enabled many to amass considerable wealth. Kept together by external pressure, it became necessary for them to rely on their own countrymen. Necessity taught them the value of education, and their admission to the administration of the government of Moldavia and Walachia raised their views to political life. They became desirous of making nearer approaches to the more civilized nations of Europe, so as not to remain behind in the general progress. The Greeks began to pay more attention to their mother tongue, and this tendency was increased by intercourse with the more refined West, by means of more frequent visits from intelligent men of that quarter to the ruins of Grecian greatness. The patriarch (Samuel Eu

gene Bulgaris Theotocos) of Corfu, and the unfortunate Rhigas, may be mentioned as eminent at this period. But in the third period, from 1800 to the present time, this increase of the means of education first exerted a powerful influence on the nation, which, favored by external circumstances, now really began to be conscious of the oppression under which they suffered. Schools were formed at Odessa, Venice, Vienna, Jassy, Bucharest, and in the Ionian Islands, most of which have since ceased to exist. Even in Constantinople, in the reign of Selim III, some Fanariots (q. v.), especially the noble prince Demetrius Merousi, who founded a national academy at Kuru Tschesme in 1805, rendered great services to the modern Greek language and literature. Gratitude to the mother was, with the rest of Europe, a motive for attention to the daughter; and the language gained alike by the influence of the natives and of foreigners. The works printed at Jassy, Bucharest (where Spiridon Valetas, the ornament of the court in that place, translated, under the name of Aristomenes, the celebrated treatise of Rousseau, Sur l'Inegalité des Conditions), Venice and Leipsic were, at first, mostly theological; but, with the increase of industry and commerce, particularly among the Hydriots, and of the wealth of individuals, the circulation of books was also enlarged by the assistance of foreign and cordial friends of the nation. The language itself, which in its degradation was not destitute of melody and flexibility, gained energy and vivacity from their efforts, although the attempts of some individuals to bring it nearer to the ancient classic dialect, did violence to its idiomatic character. (See Coray.) The attempt to bring the existing idiom nearer the Byzantine Greek and the language of the patriarchs, made by the Athenian Codrica-the warm adversary of Coray, Jacobakis Rhizos, and many others, was more rational; and the periodical 'Eons Moyos, established at Vienna by the influence of Coray, with the other similar works which it called into existence, was not without effect. But every attempt will be vain to deprive the modern Greek language of its peculiar character, especially after a conflict which has excited so violently the feelings of the nation. The wealth of the modern Greek language, which former dictionaries show but very imperfectly, because it can only be fully exhibited by the assistance of many glossaries -Vendoti, Mod. Gr. Ital. and French (Vi

enna, 1790); Weigel, Mod. Gr. Germ. and Ital. (Leipsic, 1796); Cumas, Mod. Gr. Russ. and French (Moscow, 1811); Vlani, Mod. Gr. and Ital.(Venice, 1806); Schmidt's Mod. Gr. and Germ. Dict. (Leipsic, 1825), would have been more fully displayed by the large dictionary, intended to fill six folio volumes, the superintendence of which was undertaken at Constantinople in 1821, by the patriarch Gregory (q. v.), but which was interrupted by the murder of the old man, April 22, 1821, with the destruction of so many institutions of learning fostered by him. For acquiring a knowledge of the language itself, which differs from the ancient chiefly in the formation of the tenses and in the terminations of the nouns, the means have now increased. The grammar of Christopylus, published in Vienna in 1805, which considers the modern Greek as Æolic-Doric, Schmidt's Modern Greek Grammar (Leipsic, 1808), and another German and Greek grammar, by Bojadschi (Vienna, 1821 and 1823), besides Jules David's very valuable Méthode pour étudier la Langue Grecque Moderne (Paris, 1821), and a Συνοπτικός παραλληλισμός της ἑλληνικης και ypaukins yλwoons (Paris, 1820), W. Műnnich's Mod. Greek Grammar (Dresden, 1826), Von Lüdemann's Manual of the Mod. Greek Language (Leipsic, 1826), furnish important assistance. German philologists, such as Friedemann and Poppo, have, moreover, considered the relations of the modern Greek to the ancient. A work which is highly important for the language, as it exists, is the Remarks of H. Leake on the Languages spoken in Greece at the present Day, to be found in his Researches in Greece (1814). (See also the Diction. Français Grec Moderne précédé d'un Discours sur la Grammaire et la Syntaxe de l'une et l'autre Langue par Grég. Zalicoglos; Paris, 1824.) The lite rature of the modern Greeks, which had consisted chiefly of translations from the French, could not very much elevate the spirit of the people, as the matter presented was, in most cases, uncongenial to their character; but after the noble Coray, and others of similar sentiments, had devoted themselves to its improvement,a higher activity was perceptible. The school at Scio (unhappily destroyed by the massacre of April 11, 1822), which had existed since 1800; the academy at Yanina, whose director, Athanasius Psali

the Greek Language, appeared at Constantinople in 1819, etc. from the press of the patriarch in the Fanar.

*The first and second volumes of this Ark of

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