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Albania, was relieved; but, after the bloody battle of Peta (July 16, 1822), where the capitano Gozo treacherously fled, and the Philhellenists, who made the longest stand against the enemy, lost 150 men, with their artillery and baggage, Botzaris and Normann were obliged to throw themselves into the mountains. Mavrocordato in vain called the people to arms; the other commanders refused to assist him; general Varnakioti went over to the enemy, and the internal dissensions among the Albanians enfeebled the strength of the Greeks. The castle of Suli was surrendered to the Turks on Sept. 20. Part of the Suliots (1800 men, with their wives and children) took refuge under the protection of the British in Cephalonia; the rest fled to the mountains. Mavrocordato, with 300 men, and Marco Botzaris, with 22 Suliots, finally threw themselves (November 5) into Missolonghi. "Here," said the former, "let us fall with Greece." Omer Vrione now considered himself master of Ætolia, and advanced, with Ruchid, at the head of 11,000 men, to Missolonghi. Jussuf Pacha sent troops from Patras and Lepanto against Corinth, and Khurshid, who, in Larissa, had received reinforcements from Rumelia and Bulgaria, determined to advance from Thessaly, through Livadia (where the Greeks, June 19, 1822, had reduced the Acropolis by famine, after a siege of four months), against the isthmus; and then, after forming a union with Jussuf and Omer Vrione, to crush the insurgents in the Morea. His main body, 25,000 strong, composed principally of cavalry, had already passed Thermopylæ, which Ulysses had defended so valiantly in May and June, without opposition. On his march through Livadia, he laid every thing waste, proclaimed an amnesty, and occupied Corinth, which a priest of the name of Achilles, who afterwards killed himself, had basely surrendered on July 19; but when Khurshid attempted to penetrate the passes in person, he was three times repelled by Ulysses, near Larissa, where he died, November 26, just before the arrival of the capidgi bachi, who brought his death warrant. That body of cavalry, however, which had so rashly pushed forward without infantry, and was unable to obtain food or provender, perished in the defiles of the Morea. When it advanced against Argos (from which the central government had fled), formed a junction with 5000 men of Jussuf's army, and sent reinforcements to Napoli di Romania, the danger united all

the capitani. Nicholas Niketas, who was on the point of taking Napoli di Romania by capitulation, Mavromichalis and Ypsilanti retreated to the heights of Argos, laying waste the open country; Ypsilanti, in the ruins of the castle of Argos, held the enemy in check; the Greek fleet prevented the relief of Nauplia, or Napoli di Romania, by the great Turkish fleet, and took an Austrian store-ship, bound to Napoli di Romania; Ulysses occupied the defiles of Geranion; Čolocotroni hastened from Patras, which he was besieging, to the scene of danger, called the people to the standard of the cross, assumed the chief command, and, in the latter part of June, occupied the defiles between Patras, Argos and Corinth, by which he cut off the connexion of the Turks in Thessaly with Khurshid. The skirmishing began on all sides, and continued day and night, from August 1 to August 8. On the latter day, the Turkish commander-in-chief, Dram Ali (or Tshar Hadgi Ali Pacha), whose troops had nothing but horse-flesh to eat, offered to evacuate the Morea; but Colocotroni refused the offer. The pacha then determined to break through to the isthmus of Corinth; but Niketas fell upon the separate corps of the Turks, on the night of August 9, in the defile of Tretes; so that hardly 2000, without artillery or baggage, reached the isthmus, where Ypsilanti entirely destroyed them.* Another corps, which fled towards Patras, was destroyed by Colocotroni; the remaining corps was routed by the Mainots, August 26, near Napoli. Thus more than 20,000 Turks disappeared, in four weeks, from the Greek soil. Some thousands still held the isthmus and the Acrocorinthus, but were soon obliged to evacuate the isthmus, and were destroyed by Niketas, in the defiles, in an attempt to break through to Patras. 500 Turks remained in the Acrocorinthus until November, 1823. The conquerors and the Moreots now perceived, that they must not seek safety behind the isthmus, but must push the war under Olympus. The Turkish fleet, which had lain at anchor for four weeks in the gulf of Lepanto, and had attacked Missolonghi without success, set sail, September I, with the plague on board, After an unsuccessful attempt to break through the line of 57 Greek brigs, which blockaded Nauplia, it finally came to anchor at the entrance of the Dardanelles, off Tenedos. November 10, 17 daring sailors, of the band of the * Hence Niketas received the surname of Turkophagos, the Turk-eater.

40 Ipsariots, dressed like Turks, conducted two fireships under full sail, as if they were flying from the Greeks, whilst two Ipsariot vessels pursued them, firing on them with blank cartridges, into the midst of the Turkish fleet, and fastened one of them to the admiral's ship, the other to the ship of the capitana-bey. Both were soon in flames; the former narrowly escaped; the latter blew up with 1800 men; the capudan pacha, Cara Mehmet, however, got on shore, before the explosion took place. Three frigates were wrecked on the coast of Asia Minor; one vessel of 36 guns was captured; storms and terror destroyed a part of the Ottoman fleet, and of 35 vessels only 18 returned, much injured, into the Dardanelles. The 17 Ipsariots arrived safely at Ipsara, where the ephori rewarded their leaders, Constantine Kanaris and George Mniauly, with naval crowns. The Greeks were once more masters of the sea, and renewed the blockade of the Turkish ports, which Great Britain now formally acknowledged. The British government seemed to have changed their policy towards the Greeks, from the time of Canning's entrance into the ministry, and Maitland, lord high commissioner of the Ionian isles, displayed less hostility against them. Even Austria and France, who had previously protected neutral vessels against "the arbitrary and unlawful measure of the blockade," now seemed to acknowledge the right of blockade by the Greeks. Greek vessels delivered Missolonghi on the sea side, November 20. The Suliots maintained themselves in the defiles of the Chimera, and the remains of the army of Mavrocordato on the coast of the gulf of Lepanto. The amnesty, proclaimed by Omer Vrione, met with no confidence among the mountaineers; had he not already betrayed two of his former masters? His expedition against Ætolia entirely failed. Wherever his troops appeared, the peasants burned their villages, collected in bands in the mountains, and continued the guerilla warfare.* Near Missolonghi, finally, which, from Nov. 7, 1822, to the assault of Jan. 6, 1823, he had repeatedly attacked, Omer

*The war, as we have already said, was not carried on by regular battles, but consisted of skirmishes, surprises, &c., as every insurrection of an undisciplined people must; and, generally speaking, it is the way in which men can most effectually defend their own soil against well appointed invaders. The Greeks were well fitted for this sort of war, by their uncommon activity. Their swiftness in running is such, that many of them can overtake a well mounted horseman in a long race. VOL. VI.


Vrione was repulsed by Mavrocordato and Marco Botzaris, with great loss; he was obliged to raise the siege, lost his ordnance, and retreated to Vonitza. The most important consequence of this unsuccessful campaign of the Turks, was the fall of Napoli di Romania. (q. v.) On the day of St. Andrew, the patron of the Morea (November 30, old style, December 12, new style), a band of volunteers took the fort Palamidi by assault. This brought the city into the power of the Greeks, who observed the terms of the capitulation, and transported the Turkish garrison to Scala Nuova. The seat of government was to have been established in this bulwark of Peloponnesian independence, when the old discord among the capitani broke out anew, and Colocotroni became suspected of the design of becoming prince of the Morea under Turkish protection.

Meanwhile, Constantinople was disturbed by the riots of the janizaries. The unsuccessful campaign in the Morea, the disasters in Asia, the scarcity in the capital (caused by the interruption of importations by the Greeks), the severe sumptuary orders of the sultan, and the command to deliver up the gold and silver to the mint, the debasing of the coin, and the obstruction of commerce, caused general dissatisfaction among the Mussulmans. Halet Effendi, the faithful friend of the sultan from his youth, who had become obnoxious on account of his plans for quelling the mutinous spirit of the janizaries (who refused to march to the Morea) by means of Asiatic troops and European discipline, and on account of his influence, which excluded the grandees of the empire from the confidence of the sultan, fell a victim to the hate of the soldiery. Sultan Mahmud II (q. v.) found himself constrained to discharge the adherents of Halet-the grand-vizier Salih Pacha, the mufti, and other high officers. He hoped to save his friend by an honorable banishment to Asia (Nov. 10); but he was obliged to send his death warrant after him, and Halet's head, with those of his adherents, was exposed on the gates of the seraglio (Dec. 4, 1822). The hatti-sheriff, which appointed Abdullah Pacha, a friend of the janizaries, grand-vizier, concluded with the words, "Look well to your ways, for, God knows, the danger is great."

Adoption of a Constitution in Greece, and third unsuccessful Campaign of the Turks against the Greeks, in 1823. The central government of Greece, in which Mavrocordato and Negris were distinguished,

aimed at two objects. Fully sensible of the truth of the words of a Greek author, "as all the states of Greece wished to rule, all have lost the sovereignty," they endeavored to establish union at home; on which, at the same time, they founded their hope that Europe would, at length, look with approbation and confidence on the restoration of an independent Greek state. In this view, the Greek government at Corinth issued a proclamation to the Christian powers (April 15, 1822); but the negotiations on the Greek affairs, at Vienna, and afterwards at Verona, took a turn unfavorable to the Greeks, or rather remained unfavorable, when the Porte, by its declarations of February 28 and April 18, 1822, seemed to be disposed to be more lenient. The "holy alliance" then thought that the continuance of the Porte as a legitimate power, and the acknowledgment of Greek independence, were incompatible; yet the powers thought themselves obliged to interpose with the sultan in favor of the civil and religious security of the Greeks. Count Metaxa was sent as envoy of the Greek government to the congress of Verona (see Congress); but he was only permitted to go to Roveredo. Jan. 2, 1823, he wrote from Ancona to pope Pius VII, describing the miserable condition of Greece, imploring his intercession with the monarchs, and declaring at the same time, that the Greeks were willing to submit their rights to the examination of the congress, and to be ruled by a Christian sovereign, under wise and firm laws, but would never again consent to any sort of connexion with the Turks. The government of Argos declared the same, in a memorial of Aug. 29, 1822, directed to the congress. The answer to these entreaties is contained in the following passage of the circular of Verona (Dec. 14, 1822): Les monarques, décidés à repousser le principe de la révolte, en quelque lieu et sous quelque forme qu'il se montrát, se hatèrent de le frapper d'une égale et unanime réprobation. Mais écoutant en même tems la voix de leur conscience et d'un devoir sacré, ils plaidèrent la cause de l'humanité, en faveur des victimes d'une entreprise aussi irréfléchie que coupable (The monarchs, decided to suppress the principle of revolt, in whatever place or under whatever form it might appear, hastened to condemn it with equal and unanimous disapprobation. But, open at the same time to the voice of their conscience and of a sacred duty, they have pleaded the cause of humanity in favor of the victims of an undertaking as inconsiderate as

guilty). The dissensions in Greece, it cannot be denied, were a strong objection to the acknowledgment of Greek independence. Colocotroni refused the central government admission into Napoli di Romania, and deliberated, with other ambitious capitani in Tripolizza, on a division of the Morea into hereditary principalities.* The central government, however, succeeded in preventing the dangers of a civil war, and called a second national assembly at Astro, in January, 1823. In regard to the election of deputies, the laws of Nov. 21 and Dec. 3, 1822, had already established two divisions, that of gerontes or elders, for from 10 to 50 families, and that of senators according to eparchies. Mavrocordato principally contributed to the restoration of concord, at the time when the declaration of the congress of Verona was communicated by the British embassy at Constantinople to this effect: "The Greeks must submit to their lawful sovereign the sultan." At the same time, information was received of a new Turkish expedition, destined to attack the Morea by land and sea. The number of deputies was now increasing at Astro; even Ulysses and other capitani repaired thither, with their bands, from Tripolizza; so that the national assembly at Astro consisted of 100 deputies, at the opening of its sessions (March 14). Mavromichalis was elected president; Theodore Negris, secretary. Even Colocotroni submitted to the assembly. The members of the legislative and executive councils were then elected. Condurioti of Hydra was chosen president of the former; Petro Mavromichalis, bey of Maina, of the latter. Both bodies determined to raise from 40,000,000 to 50,000,000 of piastres for

*It has been one of the causes of the misfortunes of the Greeks, that the capitani, with little

in view but their own interest, have been, generally speaking, the only leaders who coincided in spirit and feelings with the great body of the people. The other leading men, educated abroad, and imbued with foreign opinions, have, in many cases, shown great ignorance of the state and character of the people with whom they acted. The abortive trials to establish a form of government for Greece, at different times, have given proof of this. The ill success of these trials, however, has been, in no small degree, owing to a The same cause has given rise to the difficulties want of sound political elements in the people. which have so often obstructed the establishment of wise and settled forms of government in France and South America. On the other hand, the orderly character of the people in the North American colonies, and their long exercise, in fact, of the rights of freemen, gave success to their experiment when they instituted an independent


the purpose of levying a force of 50,000 men, and equipping 100 large men-of-war. The principles of the constituent resolutions of Epidaurus were adopted for all Greece, with some unimportant modifications, and eparchs substituted for provincial governments. The French military code was adopted, with some changes, and the preparation of a new criminal code decreed. The assembly then proclaimed the new constitution of Astro (April 23, 1823), and dissolved, after the national government established by it had gone into operation at Tripolizza (April 20). Thus order was, in some degree, restored, but not concord among the capitani. This produced several changes of the ministers and the presidents of the two councils. Mavrocordato was made president, and Colocotroni vice-president, and Demetrius Ypsilanti was removed, as unqualified for public affairs. The secretary Negris, also, received his discharge. The Greeks continued united only in refusing an amnesty, and such an independence as that of Moldavia and Walachia, offered to them by British agents. The British policy now permitted at least an indirect support of the cause of Greece, from Malta and the Ionian Islands. The French cabinet no longer attempted to prevent Frenchmen from participating in the cause of the Greeks. But no power was willing to declare itself openly in their favor, before Russia had manifested her sentiments. The emperor Alexander had broken off direct diplomatic relations with the Porte. He insisted upon the entire evacuation of Moldavia and Walachia.

The events of the year 1823 were not less bloody and confused than those of the preceding years. Whilst, in Thessaly and Epirus, there was a suspension of arms; and the Greek flag (eight blue and white horizontal stripes) commanded the sea, the populace in Constantinople manifested their rage by setting fire to different parts of the city, because they were prevented from committing massacres. March 1, 1823, an attempt was made to pillage and burn the Greek suburbs; but the wind drove the flames against the Turkish quarters. Four times the sea of fire rolled against the Greek quarters, and four times a fresh north wind rolled it back against the Turkish houses. Pera was saved; but 6000 Turkish houses, part of the cannon foundery (Tophana), and part of the naval arsenal, were reduced to ashes. The Mussulmans finally cried out, "God is with the Giaours." The grand-vizier

Abdullah was dismissed in consequence of this conflagration, and Ali Bey, a pacha hostile to the janizaries, succeeded him. These troops, therefore, meditated vengeance; and, July 13, a new fire broke out, which consumed 1500 private houses, and three frigates. Order was, however, restored by severe measures; more favorable news arrived from Asia; and the sultan resolved on a general war of extermination against the Greeks, on account of which he called all Mussulmans, from 15 to 60 years, to arms. On the other hand, Greece endeavored to organize an army and a financial system. The dissolved battalion of Philhellenists became the nucleus of the first Greek regiment. Mavrocordato was placed at the head of the land forces. The minister of the marine (Orlandi, a Hydriot) organized the navy, which consisted, in 1823, of 403 sail, with cannon. The largest (the Hercules) carried 26 guns. The rich Hydriot Miaulis was admiral; Manuel Tumbasis of Hydra, George Demitracci of Spezzia, and Nicolas Apostolos of Ipsara, vice-admirals. A Greek order of merit (a light blue cross) was established. The financial department met with great dimculties every where, particularly on the islands. The disputes of the government with, the Hydriot navarchs, on the subject of arrears of pay and the booty of Napoli, which the capitani were unwilling to divide with the islanders, had a bad effect on the naval operations. The Greek fleet, however, gained a victory (March 22, 1823) over an Egyptian flotilla destined for Candia; but it was unable to prevent the landing of Turkish troops; and the daring expeditions of the Ipsariots and Samiots on the coast of Asia Minor were without important results. When the fleet of the capudan pacha finally appeared, in June, the Greek ships retired, and supplied Caristo and Negropont in Euboea, Patras, Coron and Modon in the Morea, and Lepanto, with fresh troops and provisions. The land forces of the Greeks were now systematically distributed. Mavrocordato was at the head of the whole. He had prevented the trial of Colocotroni, who was accused of treachery, and won over that capitano by promoting his election to the vice-presidency and to the post of second in command. Of the forces, the command in chief in Western Hellas was given to the Suliot Marco Botzaris; in Eastern Hellas Ulysses commanded. The Suliots were faithful and trusty allies. The Albanian tribes, who had caused the defeat of Omer Vrione by their desertion of him,

were less to be relied on. These tribes sold themselves to the highest bidder; some bands accepted the offers of the pacha of Scutari, who marched against the Greeks in 1823. The insurrection of the inhabitants of Eastern Thessaly had obliged Mehemed Pacha (the murderer of Ali), the second successor of the seraskier Khurshid, who had collected the ruins of Khurshid's army after the defeat at Larissa, to retreat from the southern part of Thessaly. In his rear, Saloniki and Seres were threatened by the Greek officer Diamantis, who had taken possession of the peninsula of Cassandra (Feb. 23, 1823). But the troops from Rumelia soon drove him back. The army under the seraskier of Rumelia (25,000 strong), after five months' preparation, finally opened the campaign, in June, from Larissa. It advanced with caution, in two masses, towards Livadia. But the Greeks, under Mavromichalis and Mavrocordato, instead of waiting for them behind the isthmus, took a position near Megara, and Colocotroni received a command over the forces of Ulysses and Niketas, with whose bands the Peloponnesian army united near Platæa. From this place they advanced against the enemy, towards the end of June. After some fighting in detail, Ulysses defeated one of the main bodies of the Turks, under Mehemet Pacha, at Thermopylae. He then joined the army under Colocotroni, who attacked (July 7) the Turkish camp near the monastery of St. Luke (between the cities of Thebes and Livadia), which was captured by Ulysses and Niketas, after a bloody fight. The Turks retreated with great loss. Ulysses overtook them (July 17), and routed them in the plains of Cheronea. But the seraskier collected new forces, and advanced again, whilst, at the same time, Jussuf and Omer Vrione, supported by the fleet of the capudan pacha, off Patras, were destined to advance on Missolonghi, and the pacha of Scutari was to enter the Morea through Western Greece, by Vrachori, Vonitza and Salona. But the attack of the seraskier on Volos and the peninsula of Tricori failed; Jussuf's march was delayed by the desertion of 8000 Albanians, and the vanguard of the pacha of Scutari (who, with 20,000 men, partly Albanians, had occupied the heights of Agrapha, and threatened Etolia) was surprised at midnight (Aug. 20, 1823), in the camp of Carpinissi, by Marco Botzaris. Whilst the mountaineers, from Thessaly and Epirus, attacked the camp on four sides, on a signal given by Botzaris, the brave commander

himself penetrated, with 500 Suliots, to the tent of the pacha; but, at the moment of making the pacha of Delvino prisoner, he received a mortal wound, and his brother Constantine completed the victory. The Turks lost all their artillery and baggage, and the dying Marco exclaimed, at the moment of victory, "Could a Suliot leader die a nobler death?"* The Albanians of the pacha dispersed; he himself returned to Scutari, in consequence of the desertion of the Montenegrins to the Greeks. At the same time, the Turkish fleet, again having the plague on board, left (Aug. 30) the gulf of Patras, and returned to the Archipelago, avoided the Greek islands, delivered Saloniki from its blockade, and returned, in October, to the Dardanelles, after a few indecisive engagements with the Greeks. But bloody quarrels soon broke out between the Hydriots and Spezziots, relative to the division of the booty taken from some vessels. While Livadia and the Morea were threatened, the inhabitants of Athens had fled to the island of Salamis; but Gouras still maintained possession of the Acropolis. The members of government, with the deliberative council, were also at Salamis, from whence they returned to Argos in November, 1823. Mavrocordato conducted a division of the Hydriot fleet to the gulf of Lepanto, in November, and compelled the Barbary fleet, which was blockading Missolonghi, to withdraw. The Acrocorinthus was taken, in November of the same year, by the Greeks, and the last attack of Jussuf Pacha, supported by Mustapha Pacha, on Anatolico and Missolonghi, where Andreas Metaxa commanded, entirely failed, in consequence of the defeat of Mustapha in November, 1823. Mustapha Pacha retreated to Yanina. The campaign was finished; but the partisan war continued in Thessaly and Epirus, and Greek vessels advanced as far as the gulf of Smyrna. The Porte, though much exhausted, still had greater resources for the next campaign (1824) than the Greeks. The peace with Persia (concluded July 28, 1823), and the voluntary submission of the rebellious pacha of St. Jean d'Acre, enabled the Porte to send into Greece the troops from Asia, and those previously stationed in Moldavia and Walachia, which were now evacuated. In Constantinople, the influence of the janizaries on the decrees of the divan had ceased. By the

* Marco Botzaris, a Suliot, served in the French army, returned in 1820 to Epirus, where Ali Pacha restored Suli to him, that he might assist him against the Porte.

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