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des to emulation, and his eight books of the history of the Peloponnesian war make him the first philosophical historian, and a model for all his successors. If his conciseness sometimes renders Thucydides obscure, in Xenophon, on the contrary, there prevails the greatest perspicuity; and he became the model of quiet, unostentatious historical writing. These three historians are the most distinguished of this period, in which we must, moreover, mention Ctesias, Philistus, Theopompus, Euphorus, who, however, abandoned the genuine style of historical narration for a rhetorical affectation. An entirely new species of poetry was created in this period. From the thanksgiving festivals, which the country people solemnized after the vintage, in honor of the giver of joys, with wild songs and comic dances, arose, especially in Attica, the drama. By degrees, variety and a degree of art were given to the songs of the chorus, or dithyrambics, at the sacrifice of the goat, which, in the process of time, became more serious, while an intermediate speaker related popular fables, and the chorus varied the eternal praises of Bacchus by moral reflections, as the narration prompted. Their reward, if they gave satisfaction, was a goat. Sportive dances were introduced, mingled with waggish pranks, and every thing to excite laughter. These games of the feast of the vintage were soon repeated on other days. Solon's contemporary, Thespis, who smeared his actors, like vintagers, with lees of wine, exhibited at the cross ways or in the villages, on movable stages, stories sometimes serious with solemn choruses, sometimes laughable with dances, in which satyrs and other ridiculous characters excited laughter. Their representations were called tragedies (Tpaywdia), that is, songs of the sacrifice of the goat, or rovywotai, songs of the vintage; comedies, festive dances and satirical actions (drama satyricum). These sports were finally exhibited, with much more splendor, on the stages of the towns, and acquired a more and more distinct character, by their peculiar tone and morality. Instead of an intermediate speaker, who related his story extemporaneously, Æschylus first substituted actors, who repeat ed their parts by rote; and he was thus the actual creator of the dramatic art, which was soon carried to perfection; tragedy by Eschylus, Sophocles, Euripides; comedy by Cratinus, Eupolis, Crates, but especially by Aristophanes. Under the government of the thirty tyrants, the freedom, which comedy had possessed, of holding


up living characters to ridicule, was restricted, and the middle comedy was thus gradually formed, in which the chorus was abolished, and, with delineations of general character, characteristic masks were also introduced. In this, Aristophanes and Alexis were distinguished. The mimes of Sophron of Syracuse, dramatic dialogues in rhythmical prose, formed a distinct species, in connexion with which stands the Sicilian comedy of Epicharmus. In the order of time, several gnomic and lyric writers belong to this period. Several philosophers appeared as didactic poets-Xenophanes, Parmenides, Empedocles; as epic poets, Pisander and Panyasis were famous for their Heraclea, and Antimachus for his Thebaid. The epic soon became more and more historical, and lost its beautiful poetic aspect. With poetry, her severer sister, eloquence, also flourished in this period, which republican constitutions rendered necessary, which the Greek character speedily elevated to the rank of a fine art. Antiphon, Gorgias, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isæus, Demosthenes, Eschines, were highly appreciated as masters of this art, for which schools were actually established. We still possess the admired masterpieces of several of these orators. How near rhetoric was then to triumphing over poetry, is manifested in Euripides, and there is no question that it had a considerable influence on Plato and Thucydides. Mathematics was now cultivated, and geography served to illustrate history. Astronomy is indebted to the Ionic school, arithmetic to the Italian, and geometry to the academic school for many discoveries. As mathematicians, Theodorus of Cyrene, Meton, Euctemon, Archytas of Tarentum, Eudoxus of Cnidus, were celebrated. Geography was, particularly, enriched by voyages of discovery, which were occasioned by commerce; and, in this view, Hanno's voyage on the western coast of Africa, the Periplus of Scylax, a description of the coasts of the Mediterranean, and the discoveries of Pythias of Massilia in the north-west of Europe, deserve mention. The study of nature was likewise pursued by the philosophers; but the healing art, hitherto practised by the Asclepiades in the temples, constituted a distinct science, and Hippocrates became the creator of scientific medicine. The following period is usually called the Alexandrine, and might be characterized as the systematizing or critical period. Athens did not, indeed, cease to sustain its ancient reputation; but Alexandria was, in reality,

the leading city. From this cause, the spirit of Grecian literature necessarily took another turn; and it is evident, that the use of an immense library must necessarily have made erudition triumph over the former free action of mind, which, how ever, could not be immediately suppressed. In philosophy, Plato's acute and learned disciple, Aristotle, appeared as the founder of the Peripatetic school, which gained distinction by enlarging the territory of philosophy, and by its spirit of system. He separated logic and rhetoric, ethics and politics, physics and metaphysics (to which last science he gave its name), and applied philosophy to several branches of knowledge; thereby producing economics, pedagogics, poetics, physiognomics. He invented the philosophical syllogism, and gave philosophy the form which it preserved for centuries. His disciple Theophrastus followed his steps, in the investigation of philosophy and natural history. But the more dogmatic was the philosophy of Aristotle, the more caution was requisite to the philosophical inquirer, and the spirit of doubt was salutary. This was particularly exhibited in the system of scepticism which originated with Pyrrho of Elis. A similar spirit, at least, subsisted in the middle and new academies, of which Arcesilaus and Carneades were the founders. The Socratic school put forth new branches in the Stoic school, founded by Zeno of Citium in Cyprus, and the Epicurean, of which Epicurus of Gargettus in Attica was the founder. Mathematics and astronomy made great progress in the schools at Alexandria, Rhodes and Pergamus. And to whom are the names of Euclid, Archimedes, Eratosthenes and Hipparchus unknown? The expeditions and achievements of Alexander furnished abundant matter to history; but, on the whole, it gained in extent, not in value, since a taste for the wonderful had now become prevalent. The more gratifying, therefore, is the appearance of Polybius of Megalopolis, about the end of this period, who is to be regarded as the author of true historical description, by which universal history acquired a philosophical spirit and a worthy object. Geography, which Eratosthenes made a science, and Hipparchus united more closely with mathematics, was enriched in various ways. To the knowledge of countries and nations much was added by the accounts of Nearchus and Agatharchides, and to chronology by the Parian chronicles. With respect to poetry, many remarkable changes occurred. In Athens, the middle

comedy gave place, not without the intervention of political causes, to the new, which approaches to the modern drama, as it took the moral nature of man for the subject of its representations. Among the 32 poets of this class, Menander, Philemon and Diphylus were eminent, From the mime proceeded the idyl, in which branch of poetry, after the period of Stesichorus, Asclepiades, etc., Theocritus, Bion and Moschus were particularly celebrated. The other kinds of poetry did not remain uncultivated; but all these labors, as well as the criticisms on poetry and the fine arts, point to Alexandria; and we shall therefore pass them over in this place. At the end of this period, Greece ceased to be independent, and Rome, the queen of empires, established her dominion over it. (See the continuation of this subject, under the articles Alexandrian School, and Roman Literature.)

Greece, Revolution of Modern. (For the history of Greece under the Eastern empire, see Byzantine Empire; and for the period from the downfall of this empire to the late revolution, see Turkey, and Venice.)

For centuries, the name of Greece possessed a melancholy celebrity in the political history of Europe. In the primitive seat of European civilization, amid the noblest ruins of the ancient world, one people has preserved its existence through the wild tempests of Asiatic conquerors, and has recently contended with the enemies of Christianity and civilization, like a shipwrecked mariner with the waves, for life and freedom, whilst Christian Europe beheld the death-struggle, for seven years, without coming to any resolution which posterity will consider as due from this age. From the year 1821, Europe saw the Greeks asserting a national existence; but she considered this as the effort of despair, and, from day to day, expected to see the last sparks of Grecian life tinguished. She therefore withheld, for years, the assistance that was prayed for. Europe did not see, in the oppressors of this people, a powerful state, resting on firm foundations, but rather expected every day the dissolution of this hollow mass of seraglio slaves and janizaries. The jealous policy, both of the neighboring and distant powers, had thus far supported the falling state, and therefore a contest, strange as it was terrible, was prolonged before our eyes, between a state and a people, both of whom stood equally near destruction. The Sublime Porte appeared so little in a condition to conquer the Greeks, that it


called from Africa the boldest and most powerful of its satraps, that he might exterminate the men of Greece, send their wives and children as slaves to the Nile, and spread Africans over the land of classic reminiscences. Even Frenchmen offered their aid to subjugate the Morea. Had the powerful viceroy of Egypt succeeded in uniting under one government the Ægean sea, the Peloponnesus, Crete and the land of the Nile, then this Egyptian dynasty, like the ancient Fatimites, would have been in a situation to rule the Mediterranean sea, to close the Dardanelles, to give laws to the trade of the Levant, and to invade Italy. Then would Greece, that venerable ruin of classical antiquity, have been for ever annihilated. The Porte, called the key-stone of the European arch, would hardly have been the shadow of the last caliphs of Bagdad. Europe would have numbered a new Sesostris among her monarchs. God be thanked that the result of the conflict has been more auspicious!

The Turks and Greeks never became one nation; the relation of conquerors and conquered never ceased. However abject a large part of the Greeks became by their continued oppression, they never forgot that they were a distinct nation; and their patriarch at Constantinople remained a visible point of union for their national feelings. (See Ranke's Fürsten und Völker, &c., Berlin, 1827.) The Greeks had been repeatedly called upon by Russia to shake off the Turkish yoke, as in 1769, 1786 and 1806. The last revolution broke out in March, 1821. As early as 1809, a society had been formed at Paris for the liberation of Greece. In 1814, the Hetaireia (q. v.) was formed in Vienna, but the revolution began too early for their plans. Coray (q. v.) with many others, as Mustoxydy, Gazy, Ducas, Cumas, Bambas, Gorgorios, Oiconomos, Capetanaki, exerted themselves to enlighten their nation, and to prepare it, by a better education, for a struggle for liberty. Similar views had been entertained fifty years earlier, by several Greeks, in different parts of the country, among whom were Panagiotis, Mavrocordato and Demetrius Cantemir. In Greece itself, several attempts were made to revive the study of the ancient language, and with it a taste for letters, civilization and liberty. This was particularly the case in the islands (see Hydriots), where intercourse with France, and even with the U. States, contributed to hasten the revival of a thirst for liberty. The works of Fénélon, Beccaria, Montesquieu, and those of some

German scholars; also Goldsmith's Greece and Franklin's Poor Richard, were translated into modern Greek. At Athens, Saloniki, Yanina, Smyrna, Cydonia (Aivali), Bucharest, Jassy, Kuru-Tschesme (a village on the European shore of the Bosphorus), in Scio, &c., schools were established. But the war has destroyed all these schools, with the exception of that on mount Athos. Rhigas (q. v.) animated the spirit of his countrymen by his songs. In addition to all this, the wretched state of Turkey, weak from without and within; every thing, in short, seemed favorable, when the precipitancy of one or a few individuals, was the origin of infinite mischief, because the cause of liberty was not yet ripe. February 1, 1821, prince Charles Calimachi was appointed, by the Porte, hospodar of Walachia, in the place of the deceased Alexander Suzzo. The fear of new exactions (which take place, in that country, with every new governor), produced commotions among the people of Walachia; and this excitement seemed to the members of the Hetaireia in St. Petersburg, to afford a favorable moment for taking up arms against the Turks, in which they expected to be supported by the Russian cabinet. Without knowing any thing of this plan, a Walachian, Theodore Wladimiresko, left Bucharest, January 30, with 60 pandoors, and instigated the peasants to revolt, promising them the protection of Russia and the restoration of their old rights. The Arnaouts, who were sent against him, joined him, and he soon became master of Little Walachia, at the head of 5000 men. The Greeks in Moldavia likewise rose, under prince Alexander Ypsilanti (q. v.), a major-general in the Russian service. This insurrection was connected with the Hetaireia. (q. v.) Perhaps the object was to hasten the threatened breach between Russia and Turkey. Besides, the Greeks always relied much on the (so called) Greek project of Catharine II. March 7, 1821 (Feb. 23, old style), a proclamation of Ypsilanti was placarded in Jassy, under the eyes of the hospodar Michael Suzzo, which declared, that all the Greeks had, on that day, thrown off the Turkish yoke; that he would put himself at their head with his countrymen; that prince Suzzo wished the happiness of the Greeks; and that nothing was to be feared, as a great power was going to march against Turkey. Several officers and members of the Hetaireia had accompanied Ypsilanti from Bessarabia and Jassy. Some Turks were murdered, but Ypsilanti did all in his power to pre

vent excesses, and was generally successful. He wrote to the emperor of Russia, Alexander, who was then at Laybach (q. v.), asking his protection for the Greek cause, and the two principalities Walachia and Moldavia; but the revolutions in Spain and Piedmont had just then broken out, and that monarch considered the Greek insurrection to be nothing but a political fever, caught from Spain and Italy, which could not be checked too soon (besides, Ypsilanti was actually in the service of Russia, and therefore had undertaken this step against the rules of military discipline). Alexander publicly disavowed the measure, Ypsilanti's name was struck from the army rolls, and he was declared to be no longer a subject of Russia. The Russian minister, and the Austrian internuncio at Constantinople, also declared that their cabinets would not take advantage of the internal troubles of Turkey in any shape whatever, but would remain strictly neutral. Yet the Porte continued suspicious, particularly after the information of an Englishman had led to a detection of some supposed traces of the Greek conspiracy at Constantinople. It therefore ordered the Russian vessels to be searched, contrary to treaty. The commerce of Odessa suffered from this measure, which occasioned a serious correspondence between baron Stroganoff, the Russian ambassador, and the reis effendi. The most rigorous measures were taken against all Greeks: their schools were suppressed; their arms seized; suspicion was a sentence of death; the flight of some rendered all guilty; it was prohibited under penalty of death; in the divan, the total extinction of the Greek name was proposed; Turkish troops marched into the principalities; the hospodar Suzzo was outlawed; the patriarchs of Constantinople and Jerusalem excommunicated all insurgents (March 21); and a hatti-sheriff of March 31, called upon all Mussulmans to arm against the rebels for the protection of the Islam; no Greek was, for some time, safe in the streets of Constantinople; women and children were thrown into the sea; the noblest females openly violated and murdered or sold; the populace broke into the house of Fonton, the Russian counsellor of legation; and prince Murusi was beheaded in the seraglio. After the arrival of the new grand-vizier, Benderli Ali Pacha (appointed April 10), who conducted a disorderly army from Asia to the Bosphorus, the wildest fanaticism raged in Constantinople. In Walachia and Moldavia, the bloody struggle (not the

devastation of the country, however) was brought to a close through the treachery, discord and cowardice of the pandoors and Arnaouts, with the annihilation of the valiant "sacred band" of the Hetaireia, in the battle of Dragashan (June 19, 1821), and with Jordaki's heroic death in the monastery of Seck. (See Ypsilanti.) In Greece Proper, no cruelty could quench the fire of liberty; the beys of the Morea invited all bishops and the noblest Greeks (proëdroi) to Tripolizza, under pretence of consulting with them on the deliverance of the people from their cruel oppression. Several fell into the snare: when they arrived, they were thrown into prison. Germanos, archbishop of Patras, alone penetrated the intended treachery, and took measures with the others for frustrating the designs of their oppressors. The beys of the Morea then endeavored to disarm the separate tribes; but it was too late; the Mainotes, always free, descended from mount Taygetos, in obedience to Ypsilanti's proclamation, and the heart of all Greece beat for liberty.

The revolution in the Morea began, March 23, 1821, at Calavrita, a small place in Achaia, where 80 Turks were made prisoners. On the same day, the Turkish garrison of Patras fell upon the Greek inhabitants; but they were soon relieved. In the ancient Laconia, Colocotroni and Peter Mavromichalis roused the people to arms. The archbishop Germanos collected the peasants of Achaia. In Patras and the other places, the Turks retreated into the fortresses. As early as April 6, a Messenian senate assembled in Calamata, and the bey of Maina, Peter Mavromichalis, as commander-in-chief, proclaimed that the Morea had shaken off the yoke of Turkey to save the Christian faith, and to restore the ancient character of their country. "From Europe, nothing is wanted but money, arms and counsel." From that time, the suffering Greeks found friends in Germany, France, Switzerland, England and the U. States, who sympathized with them, and did all in their power to assist them in their struggle. The cabinets of Europe, on the contrary, threw every impediment in the way of the Hellenists, until they were finally obliged, against their inclination, to interfere in their favor. Jussuf Selim, pacha of Lepanto, having received information of these events from the diplomatic agent of a European power, hastened to relieve the citadel of Patras, and the town was changed into a heap of ruins. The massacre of the inhabitants, April 15, was the

signal for a struggle of life and death. Almost the whole war was thenceforward a succession of atrocities. It was not a war prosecuted on any fixed plan, but merely a series of devastations and murders. The law of nations could not exist between the Turks and Greeks, as they were then situated. The monk Gregoras, soon after, occupied Corinth, at the head of a body of Greeks. The revolution spread over Attica, Boeotia, Phocis, Etolia and Acarnania. The ancient names were revived. At the same time, the islands declared themselves free. In the beginning of April, the wealthy merchants and ship-owners, the bold mariners of Hydra, Spezzia and Ipsara (see Hydriots), long before gained over to the cause of liberty by Bambas* and other patriots, erected an independent government in Hydra. They fitted out their vessels for war, and the blue and red flag of the Hetaireia soon waved on 180 vessels, mostly of 10 or 12 guns. It must be remembered that the inhabitants of the islands, particularly those just mentioned, and the heroic population of Suli, are very different from the people of the Morea and Livadia, if we wish to form a correct understanding of the Greek struggle. While the conduct of the Moreots has but too often drawn on them the just reproach of their compatriots, the former have gained a name in history, which will be honored as long as an invincible love of liberty and bold and inflexible courage in an unequal struggle are prized. Even women, among the islanders, took arms for liberty, and, among them, Lascarina Bobolina, of Spezzia, was distinguished. The Hydriots cruised in the Turkish waters, and blockaded the ports. In some islands, the Turks were massacred in revenge for the murder of the Greeks at Patras, and, in retaliation, the Greeks were put to death at Smyrna, in Asia Minor, and in those islands which had not yet shaken off the Turkish yoke. The exasperation was raised to its highest pitch by the cruelties committed against the Greeks in Constantinople, after the end of March. On mere suspicion, and often merely to get possession of their property, the di

* Neophytos Bambas, teacher of natural philosophy and mathematics in the school of Scio, published, in 1818, in Venice, a manual of moral philosophy, which is one of the most valuable productions of modern Greek literature. He has since been professor in the Ionian university, in Corfu, established by the influence of lord Guilford. † According to Pouqueville, the mercantile marine of the Greek islands consisted of 615 vessels, with 17,500 sailors and 5878 guns.

van caused the richest Greek merchants and bankers to be put to death. The rage of the Mussulmans was particularly directed against the Greek clergy. April 22, Gregory (q. v.) the patriarch of Constantinople, was murdered, with his bishops, in the metropolis. In Adrianople, May 3, the venerable patriarch Cyrillus, who had retired to solitude, and Prosos, archbishop of Adrianople, and others, met the same fate. Several hundred Greek churches were torn down, without the divan paying any attention to the remonstrances of the Christian ambassadors. The savage grand-vizier, indeed, lost his place, May 1, and soon after his life; but Mahmud (q. v.), and his favorite Halet Effendi, persisted in the plan of extermination. The courageous Stroganoff (q. v.) was yet less able to make his remonstrances heard, after the grand seignior, in order to save his favorite, who was hated by the janizaries, on account of his plan of reform in the military department, gave a seat, in the divan, to three members of those riotous troops. The commerce of Russia, on the Black sea, was totally ruined by the blockade of the Bosphorus, and the ultimatum of the ambassador was not answered. Baron Stroganoff, therefore, broke off all diplomatic relations with the reis effendi, July 18, and, July 31, embarked for Odessa. He had declared to the divan, that if the Porte did not change its system, Russia would feel herself obliged to give "the Greeks refuge, protection and assistance." The answer of the reis effendi to this declaration, given too late, was sent to Petersburg; but it was only after the most atrocious excesses committed by the janizaries and the troops from Asia (for instance, in Constantinople, June 27 and July 2), that the foreign ministers, particularly the British minister, lord Strangford, succeeded in inducing the grand seignior to recall the command for the arming of all Mussulmans, and to restore order. The Porte even promised an amnesty, on condition of the submission of the Greeks; but what guarantee was there for the fulfilment of it? Individual executions still continued. Prince Calimachi, hospodar of Walachia, was sent, with his family, to Asia Minor, where he suddenly died on hearing of the execution of his brother. The old families of the Fanariots (q. v.) no longer existed in Constantinople, and, after all the cruelties they had suffered, the Greeks could not trust the amnesty of the sultan. They remembered, too, the 300,000 Moreots, who had been mur

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