The Politics of Protest, Volume 81,Page 94U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969 - 276 pages Part I. Introduction. 1. Protest and politics -- Part II. The politics of confrontation. 2. Ani-war protest -- 3. Student protest -- 4. Black militancy -- Part III. White politics and official reaction. 5. The racial attitudes of white Americans -- 6. White militancy -- 7. The police in protest -- 8. Judicial response in crisis -- Part IV. Conclusion. 9. Social response to collective behavior -- Appendix: Witnesses appearing at Task Force hearings. |
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action activists activity administration April arrested attitudes autonomy bail Berkeley black Americans black community black militants Black Panther Party black protest black students black youth campus Chapter Chicago cities Civil Disorders civil rights movement collective behavior colonial Committee confrontation contemporary courts criminal cultural defendants Democratic demonstrations Detroit draft economic example fact federal Free Speech Movement ghetto grievances groups high school hostility increasing institutions issues judicial justice Kerner Commission Klan law enforcement leaders liberation major Malcolm Malcolm X mass ment military Minutemen Negro nonviolent officials organizations participation peace percent persons police policemen political prejudice problems programs racial racism radical recent Report resistance response San Francisco Chronicle significant sit-in South South Vietnam Southern student movement student protest tactics Task Force tion traditional United urban Vietnam Vietnam war Vietnamese violence Washington Watts riot white Americans York young
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Page 179 - He has never, himself, done anything for which to be hated— which of us has?— and yet he is facing, daily and nightly, people who would gladly see him dead, and he knows it. There is no way for him not to know it: there are few things under heaven more unnerving than the silent, accumulating contempt and hatred of a people. He moves through Harlem, therefore, like an occupying soldier in a bitterly hostile country; which is precisely what, and where, he is, and is the reason he walks in twos...
Page 179 - Similarly, the only way to police a ghetto is to be oppressive. None of the Police Commissioner's men, even with the best will in the world, have any way of understanding the lives led by the people they swagger about in twos and threes controlling. Their very presence is an insult, and it would be, even if they spent their entire day feeding gumdrops to children. They represent the force of the white world, and that world's...
Page 113 - The American Negro has the great advantage of having never believed that collection of myths to which white Americans cling: that their ancestors were all freedom-loving heroes, that they were born in the greatest country the world has ever seen, or that Americans are invincible in battle and wise in peace...
Page 109 - We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them 8,000 miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in Southwest Georgia and East Harlem. So we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools.
Page 179 - It is hard, on the other hand, to blame the policeman, blank, good-natured, thoughtless, and insuperably innocent, for being such a perfect representative of the people he serves. He too, believes in good intentions and is astounded and offended when they are not taken for the deed. He has never, himself, done anything for which to be hated — which of us has? And yet he is facing, daily and nightly, people who would gladly see him dead, and he knows it.
Page 217 - That some policemen lost control of themselves under exceedingly provocative circumstances can perhaps be understood; but not condoned. If no action is taken against them, the effect can only be to discourage the majority of policemen who acted responsibly, and further weaken the bond between police and community.
Page 173 - Arsenic works slow but sure. Your auto mechanic may stay up nights studying booby traps. These patriots are not going to let you take their freedom away from them. They have learned the silent knife, the strangler's cord, the target rifle that hits sparrows at 200 yards. Traitors beware. Even now the crosshairs are on the back of your necks.
Page 100 - No one has a right to ask us to risk our lives and kill other Colored People in Santo Domingo and Vietnam, so that the White American can get richer. We will be looked upon as traitors by all the Colored People of the world if the Negro people continue to fight and die without a cause.
Page 226 - That communities and courts plan for a range of alternative conditions to release, such as supervision by civic organizations or third party custodians outside the riot area, rather than to rely on high money bail to keep defendants off the streets. The courts should set bail on an individual basis and provide for defense counsel at bail hearings. Emergency procedures for fast bail review are needed. That no mass indictments or arraignments be held, and reasonable bail and sentences be imposed, both...