The Politics of Protest, Volume 81,Page 94U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969 - 276 pages Part I. Introduction. 1. Protest and politics -- Part II. The politics of confrontation. 2. Ani-war protest -- 3. Student protest -- 4. Black militancy -- Part III. White politics and official reaction. 5. The racial attitudes of white Americans -- 6. White militancy -- 7. The police in protest -- 8. Judicial response in crisis -- Part IV. Conclusion. 9. Social response to collective behavior -- Appendix: Witnesses appearing at Task Force hearings. |
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action activists activity administration American society anti-war movement April attitudes bail Berkeley black Americans black community black militants Black Panther Party black protest campus Chapter Chicago cities Civil Disorders civil rights movement collective behavior Committee Communist confrontation courts criminal criticism cultural defendants Democratic demonstrations Detroit dissent draft economic effect example federal Free Speech Movement ghetto grievances groups hostility increased institutions issues judicial Justice Kerner Commission Klan law enforcement leaders major Malcolm X ment military Minutemen National Advisory Commission Negro nonviolent official organized participation peace movement percent persons police policemen political violence prejudice President Press problems protest racial racism radical recent reform Report resistance response revolts San Francisco Chronicle September South South Vietnam Southern student movement student protest tactics Task Force tion traditional United University urban Vietnam Vietnam war Vietnamese Washington white Americans white militancy York youth
Fréquemment cités
Page 59 - The United States is not a party to any treaty, now in force, that prohibits or restricts the use in warfare of toxic or nontoxic gases, of smoke or incendiary materials, or of bacteriological warfare.
Page 27 - Some others are eager to enlarge the conflict. They call upon us to supply American boys to do the job that Asian boys should do. They ask us to take reckless action which might risk the lives of millions and engulf much of Asia and certainly threaten the peace of the entire world.
Page 59 - The use in war of asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases, and all analogous liquids, materials or devices...
Page 183 - Similarly, the only way to police a ghetto is to be oppressive. None of the Police Commissioner's men, even with the best will in the world, have any way of understanding the lives led by the people they swagger about in twos and threes controlling. Their very presence is an insult, and it would be, even if they spent their entire day feeding gumdrops to children. They represent the force of the white world...
Page 29 - Moreover, we are in Viet-Nam to fulfill one of the most solemn pledges of the American Nation. Three Presidents— President Eisenhower, President Kennedy, and your present President— over 11 years have committed themselves and have promised to help defend this small and valiant nation.
Page 16 - Daniel Boorstin, The Genius of American Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953...
Page 109 - At the level of individuals, violence is a cleansing force. It frees the native from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect.
Page 263 - Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York: Free Press, 1962); and RH Turner and LM Killian, Collective Behavior (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1957).
Page 99 - Let every man work for the abolition of slavery in his , own way. I would help all and hinder none.